41 pages • 1 hour read
Achille MbembeA modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.
Mbembe argues that creating the Other through racism is central to democracy’s structure. He proposes that true democracy has never existed. Instead, the use of violence and political maneuvering to subjectify the Other defines liberal democracies: “The contemporary era is, undeniably, one of separation, hate movements, hostility, and, above all, struggle against an enemy” (42). The creation of an enemy is born out of desire. Mbembe explains that humans want protection from the destruction and persecution that manifest through separation and extermination. Many sovereign states exhibit this desire by creating various types of walls. Other security measures, such as checkpoints and watchtowers, likewise function as types of protection.
Mbembe turns his attention to the Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories as an example of total exertion of control and surveillance. While these practices mirror traditional apartheid, they use new technologies and methodologies to maintain separation and domination. In its occupied territories, Israel enacts power by issuing identity cards, monitoring population, and controlling daily life.
Mbembe explains that a desire for apartheid arises out of the repeopling of the world. Historical colonialism championed separation as settlers worried about the many threats they faced. Racism emerged to justify and enact a desire for a mythologized violence of protection. Groups of people received specific places to live. Symbolism and motifs became important to maintain the psychic structure of colonial racism; fear was a powerful tool for reproducing this mythology. An enemy has a crucial societal function: It affirms the an individual’s life by creating a narrative of good versus evil.
Mbembe likewise connects apartheid and zealous religious belief, asserting that the contemporary age conflates knowledge with belief. In doing so, it justifies violence and creates the symbol of the martyr. For a state to maintain power in a liberal democracy, it must produce a mythology of insecurity that convinces its citizens that it needs the government to protect them from the threat of the Other. Over time, it became necessary for states to reframe violence and racism. A subtler form of racism thus pervades modern culture: “Nanoracism defines an era of scullion racism, a sort of pocketknife racism, a spectacle of pigs wallowing in the mud pit” (58). Mbembe argues that racism is not leaving; it will continue mark culture for the foreseeable future.
Necropolitics represents the greatest expression of sovereign power. Mbembe cites the work of several philosophers. He summarizes Michel Foucault’s work on biopower, the idea that modern governments enact power over people through the control of who can live or die. In addition, Mbembe draws ideas from Giorgio Agamben’s theory of the state of exception. Agamben proposed that governments enact power by creating spaces in which they can force people to live without the protections of contemporary law. Philosopher Hannah Arendt explored concentration camps as one expression of this exercise of absolute power.
Mbembe argues that the desire for the separation and annihilation of the Other creates hostility that intrinsically connects to the state of exception within liberal democracies. Foucault saw biopower as the separation of humans into two categories: the controller and the controlled. Mbembe points to racism as the feature of demarcation, and he asserts that racism has had more political impact over Western thought than class. Nazism in Germany represented the pinnacle of this total exertion of power over specific groups of people: “The gas chambers and ovens were the culmination of a long process of dehumanizing and industrializing death” (72). However, Mbembe does not consider the Nazis’ practices during the Holocaust unique; instead, he sees them as a component of the intrinsic relationship between violence over the body and power.
In his study of the relationship between modern governments and terror, Mbembe cites several sources. One is the role of the crowd, or what Arendt refers to as the “mob.” Also, Mbembe points to Foucault’s Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison, which proposes that violence is necessary to satiate the crowd, an idea that connects to Mbembe’s proposal that apartheid is born out of desire. As societies placed more emphasis on civilized behavior, forms of violence became more intimate and hidden. Capitalism and the Enlightenment rationalized the function of governments and made humans expendable.
Mbembe uses plantation slavery to examine the idea of the state of exception. In this space, the enslaved individual is a shadow figure. Slavery strips individuals of their homes and rights, even within countries that guarantee these rights for others. Although the state keeps the enslaved people alive for labor, their life resembles death. Mbembe calls these states of exception “deathworlds,” places where life mimics death and where states can wield death without consequence. After the abolishment of slavery, racial separation and control continued through the prohibition of marriage between people of different races and forced sterilization.
In these chapters, Mbembe explores historical examples of states of exception and traces liberal democracy to its roots in colonialism, following the genealogical tradition set by Michel Foucault. The French philosopher used the technique to follow the development of new manifestations of power over time. This analytical tool enables the exploration of an idea along a linear thread, though critics of genealogical approaches to philosophy argue that it is overly reliant on generating cause-and-effect relationships. By using concrete historical examples, Mbembe builds his larger thesis of necropolitics, the sociopolitical idea that governments exercise power by determining who lives and dies. Mbembe’s concept of necropolitics builds on Foucault’s theory of biopower, expanding it to show how Western philosophical thought supports and affirms the violence of colonialism and liberal democracy. This thesis encompasses the central themes of Mbembe’s book.
To thematically develop Democracy as Medicine and Poison, Mbembe opens with the argument that hostility and violence shape contemporary governments. He presents a strong rhetorical condemnation of anyone who attempts to evade responsibility. For the Cameroonian critic, everyone is responsible for the generation of desires and fears that create a need for states of injury and exception. Casting aside Hobbes and Locke’s ideas about the state of nature and the purpose and function of a democracy, Mbembe makes the bold claim that no true democracy has ever existed. He argues that the notion of liberal democracy as these philosophers outlined it reflects the pharmakon: While it serves and benefits those whose fears and desires give it shape, a state disadvantages and oppresses those beyond the physical and metaphysical wall.
The Politics of Space thematically encompasses the state of injury, the state of exception, or both. This maintains the balance of democracy’s dual nature as a force for power. Mbembe describes racism as a technology for this power; the state wields it to create a mythology. At the center of this mythological narrative is the juxtaposition of the hero with the Other. The enemy serves an important purpose to the narrative and, therefore, to the longevity of the mythology itself: the enemy’s death affirms the hero’s life.
In Discipline and Punish, Foucault further develops his theory of biopower and applies the genealogical technique to show how law and justice trended toward a more intimate and hidden exertion of power. For example, public executions were replaced with prison sentences. Mbembe builds on Foucault’s work to show how these hidden, third spaces perpetuate racism as a technological mechanism of separation and isolation, which develops the theme of Racism as a Technology for Power.
An interesting aspect of Mbembe’s book is how he uses the work of Western philosophers both to inform his work and to offer a foil to his ideas. While the term “necropolitics” is a direct reference to Foucault’s “biopower,” Mbembe uses the French philosopher’s work, as well as the power explorations of Hannah Arendt and Giorgio Agamben, to turn a mirror on them. Even as these authors convey important ideas about the structure and nature of power, Mbembe proposes that their ideologies cannot help but reflect the influence of their colonialist context.
Appearance Versus Reality
View Collection
Books on Justice & Injustice
View Collection
Challenging Authority
View Collection
Class
View Collection
Class
View Collection
Colonialism & Postcolonialism
View Collection
Community
View Collection
Earth Day
View Collection
Equality
View Collection
Globalization
View Collection
Good & Evil
View Collection
Mortality & Death
View Collection
Nation & Nationalism
View Collection
Order & Chaos
View Collection
Politics & Government
View Collection
Power
View Collection
Sociology
View Collection
Truth & Lies
View Collection
War
View Collection