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In August 1940, the Dies Committee heard from a witness named Henry Hoke, a professional advertiser who ran the publication The Reporter of Direct Mail Advertising. Hoke was alerted to the growing Nazi threat in the US when his college-aged son showed him pro-Nazi flyers that were passed out at his school. Being in advertising, Hoke recognized them as propaganda. Over the next six months, Hoke collected more examples of Nazi propaganda, and he published his findings in a long exposé in The Reporter of Direct Mail Advertising. He named the organizations behind this propaganda campaign—including The German Library of Information, The German Railroads Information Office, and the German Board of Trade—and tallied their outputs; collectively, they were publishing hundreds of thousands of pieces of propaganda to disseminate throughout the US. Hoke was struck by the campaign’s well-financed, strategic, and sophisticated nature.
Despite receiving threatening letters at his home, Hoke continued in his efforts. After he published his exposé, citizens from across the country started sending him more examples of propaganda. Hoke attempted to alert various authorities about the Nazis’ campaign, including the postmaster general of the US, but the postal inspectors told Hoke they could not act because none of what Hoke had found was against the law.
After meeting with the Dies Committee in 1940 and sharing his findings, Hoke continued in his investigations. By 1941, he discovered that the Nazi propaganda sent throughout the US was being mailed for free, using franked envelopes under the names of various US senators. Franked envelopes, which did not require postage, were intended for use by members of Congress to communicate with their constituents. The Nazis were using senators’ franking privileges to send propaganda postage-free—essentially funded by taxpayer money.
Meanwhile, aviator Charles Lindbergh continued to support isolationism and became more explicit in his antisemitism. Isolationism, antisemitism, and fascism started to become inseparable threads in US public discourse. Lindbergh gave speeches with Senator Burton K. Wheeler, one of the senators whose franking privileges were used by Nazi propagandists.
In September 1941, reporter Dillard Stokes was staked outside 1430 Rhode Island Avenue, near Washington, DC. He watched as a few young men unloaded bags into a government mail truck. Meanwhile, Special Prosecutor William Power Maloney was guiding a grand jury that had been impaneled to weigh evidence that Germany had worked with US Congressmen to spread Nazi propaganda throughout the US. Maloney, who had a 400-0 record as a prosecutor, was known for taking on high-stakes, challenging cases.
Evidence indicated that the mail truck at 1430 Rhode Island Avenue was sent on the orders of Republican congressman Hamilton Fish. Fish denied involvement, claiming that it was all the doing of Prescott Dennett, the man who lived at that address. Dennett was the press agent for the Islands for War Debts Committee, which had been founded by Senator Lundeen. Despite Fish’s denial, the missing mail bags turned up in Fish’s office. Stokes investigated the office and found eight mail bags stuffed with anti-Roosevelt speeches in franked envelopes.
One of the places the mail truck had stopped was the DC headquarters of an organization called the America First Committee. Investigators found 10 mailbags there, full of pro-German propaganda in franked envelopes. Maloney summoned George Sylvester Viereck as a witness. Viereck was charged with aiding and abetting Dennett. While prosecutors claimed that Viereck was dangerous, Viereck protested this characterization, insisting that he was merely misunderstood. Fish’s congressional staffer, George Hill, was also called to give evidence before the grand jury. Hill refused to give up the mail bags that were in Fish’s office. He also refused to explain who had deposited $12,000 into his bank account—a huge sum compared to his $2,000 annual salary.
In October 1941, Stokes, while staked outside the America First Committee’s headquarters, witnessed an America First employee burning evidence in a trashcan. Stokes later salvaged the burnt mail and took it to the DOJ. Even though Fish had been subpoenaed, he left for reserve army training without appearing before the grand jury.
Shortly before Hitler started World War II by invading Poland, George Sylvester Viereck traveled to Berlin to solidify his position with the Nazi Foreign Office. He came away from his visit with two contracts that allowed him to register with the US State Department as an author and journalist of the German press services. This essentially provided him with cover so that he could legally work as a Nazi agent, orchestrating Nazi propaganda efforts in the US.
Upon his return to the US, Viereck contacted his friend Senator Lundeen. Viereck made him an offer: Viereck would write speeches and articles for Lundeen, arrange for them to be published, and Lundeen would receive compensation. Lundeen agreed. The material for these speeches and articles came directly from the German Foreign Office.
Viereck then went further: He had discovered a useful loophole. He had Lundeen form a committee—the Islands for War Debts Committee—as an excuse for Lundeen to use his franking privileges nationally rather than just locally. Viereck then started sending propaganda nationwide using Lundeen’s frank. He did this by ghostwriting speeches for Lundeen and having Lundeen deliver these speeches on the senate floor so that they were entered into the Congressional Record. Then he used laundered German funds to print a huge number of copies of these speeches, and used Lundeen’s frank to mail them across the country for free.
Lundeen’s ally, Congressman Hamilton Fish, assisted Viereck in these efforts. Fish referred Viereck to his staffer George Hill, and told Viereck that he could use the mailing list compiled by Fish’s own committee, which contained 100,000 names. Ford Motor Company offices also contributed 300,000 names to the cause. Hill received significant compensation for running this propaganda operation, mailing out Viereck-written propaganda using Lundeen’s frank.
By July 1942, Maloney had won the convictions of George Sylvester Viereck, George Hill, and Laura Ingalls. His federal prosecutors then released another court filing that indicted 28 people and charged them with sedition. While the filing did not name or indict any congressmen, it clearly telegraphed that Maloney was expanding the investigation’s reach, which put pressure on the implicated officials. Without giving names, Maloney described how members of Congress had assisted in the spread of Nazi propaganda throughout the US. These congressmen started to speak out on the floor of Congress, protesting the investigation.
In early 1943, after examining the evidence accumulated by Leon Lewis and his spies over the course of a decade, Maloney released a superseding indictment. This indictment added several more individuals, including George Deatherage.
Then, the US Supreme Court then overturned the decision in the Viereck case. North Dakota senator William Langer proposed that a committee be formed to determine how much to compensate Viereck for the time and expenses he incurred during the trial. Langer was an isolationist who had previously been convicted for taking kickbacks while in office and who had called for the shooting of his successor, declaring martial law in the state and refusing to leave office. Still, he was reelected governor of North Dakota in 1936 and became a US senator in 1940.
These chapters brings forth another example of an individual volunteer, Henry Hoke, who took courageous action against the growing Nazi threat in the US. The text depicts Hoke’s bravery, describing how he actively investigated and helped expose the Nazi propaganda campaign within the country, and emphasizes his selflessness, noting that his investigation was “private” and “personally funded” (209) and that he seemed “to have made a second full-time job of this crusade” (205). Despite receiving threatening letters, Hoke persisted in his efforts to alert authorities about the Nazis’ well-financed and sophisticated propaganda operation in the US. His dedication, revealed through his exposé in The Reporter of Direct Mail Advertising, is an example of intrepid individuals risking personal safety to combat the insidious influence of Nazism on American soil.
In this section, the theme of American Isolationism, Antisemitism, and Fascism becomes more explicit, as exemplified by the escalating actions of aviator Charles Lindbergh. Lindbergh not only continued to support isolationism but became more overt in his antisemitism. The convergence of isolationism, antisemitism, and fascism in Lindbergh’s speeches and actions reflected a dangerous blending of ideologies in US public discourse. Lindbergh’s collaboration with Senator Burton K. Wheeler, whose franking privileges were exploited by Nazi propagandists, further underscores the interconnected nature of these themes.
The theme of Prominent Americans Versus American Ideals persists as the text shows how federal elected officials, such as Senator Langer, became more explicitly involved in helping the fascist movement. Lindbergh’s outright antisemitism and Senator Langer’s open defiance of the investigation signal a departure from the democratic ideals espoused by the US. The actions of these prominent figures contrast with the democratic principles they were thought to embody.
A recurring pattern of the US government’s failure to prosecute Nazism effectively emerges in these chapters. Despite evidence of Nazi collaboration with US congressmen in spreading propaganda, the prosecution faced challenges. The investigation into Congressman Hamilton Fish’s involvement in disseminating anti-Roosevelt speeches reveals the complexities of holding federal officials accountable. The political maneuvering and the reluctance of some officials to cooperate underscore the institutional challenges in addressing the insidious infiltration of Nazism into US politics.
By Rachel Maddow
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