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60 pages 2 hours read

Wright Thompson

The Barn: The Secret History of a Murder in Mississippi

Nonfiction | Biography | Adult | Published in 2024

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Part 2Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 2: “Destinies”

Part 2, Pages 75-114 Summary

The story of Till’s murder is about the “rise and rot of a tribe of people” (79). There are many facets to the explanation of Till’s murder. On one level, Till was murdered in that barn because that is where Leslie Milam farmed. For generations, humans have been trying to generate wealth from the Delta. The rich land of the Delta has been valued, while the poor people working there have been expendable.

The barn sits almost at the center of the Mississippi Delta. Drew, founded in 1899, was once a dense forest. The Delta, not the West, was the last part of the continental US that was settled. When the Spanish arrived in the Delta in 1541, they mapped territory to enable wealth to be made from “distant strangers” (85). The French followed the Spanish. Via intermarriage, they infiltrated the society of the Choctaw tribe, who sold deerskins to the French. The Natchez tribe attacked the French but were soundly defeated and eradicated.

The history of Township 22, exposed via maps, explains how one of Thompson’s interviewees, Gloria Dickerson, came to live there. Her ancestors came from Georgia to follow the cotton boom and worked for Widow Belle Parker. Thompson rode through the territory with Dickerson, passing by the North Sunflower Academy. Founded in 1966, the school allowed the white people in the area to maintain segregated schooling. Jeff Andrews, the last private owner of the barn, is a proud alumnus of the school.

In 1719, John Law began the association of Mississippi with corruption. Setting up a bank in France, he sold shares in the Mississippi Company. Early investors a made lot of money and received pieces of land in the Mississippi Delta. However, the stock price ultimately declined. Law fled Paris, as investors sought him out. This was the first of a series of corruption scandals in Mississippi. Till’s murderers were corrupt and could trace their roots back to this history. 

The state of Georgia originally owned the lands of the Delta. A very corrupt state legislature sold large pieces of land there to speculators at low prices in the 1790s. The people of Georgia were outraged and voted the corrupt legislature out. The new legislators attempted to reverse the land sales. However, the Supreme Court ruled that the contract clause of the Constitution prevented the new legislature from nullifying the original sales. By this time, the speculators had sold the land to third parties.

Invented in 1793, the cotton gin transformed cotton into the most valuable commodity in the world. Without that invention, there would have been no Delta. With it, the Delta became connected to industrialists in Liverpool and Manchester, England. Had the state of Georgia not sold the lands, known as the Yazoo lands, to speculators who sold them on to form huge plantations, there would have been no “King Cotton” in the Delta (103). The combination of the cotton gin and the plantations caused the population of Mississippi to double twice between 1800 and 1810. The price of cotton was increasing at this time but fell in two panics, one in 1819 and another in 1837. Those panics solidified Mississippi’s poor reputation.

By 1805, the US government had devised a way to evict the Indigenous peoples from their lands. The Choctaw had traded with the white settlers and government and, in doing so, had accumulated debt. Since there were fewer deer to hunt for repayment, the government forced them to surrender land to pay the debt. In 1820, the Choctaw surrendered half of the Mississippi Delta. The leader of the Choctaw, Pushmataha, traveled to Washington, DC, to sign this treaty, where he died of illness. The last Choctaw chief east of the Mississippi, Greenwood LeFlore, was Pushmataha’s grandson. He was coerced into signing the Treaty of Dancing Rabbit Creek after the passage of the Indian Removal Act of 1830. The Treaty ceded the land on which the barn was located to the US government.

The families of the Bryants and the Milams were not in the wealthy planter class. They could see the wealth of others but could not claim it for themselves. Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam were half-brothers and grew up with the belief that something had been taken from them. Politicians would identify scapegoats for the white citizens to blame. The men lived in a community of villages where they knew one another and shared class and racial bonds. Indeed, eight of the jurors in Till’s case, the defense attorney, and the sheriff were from the same clan.

Part 2, Pages 115-155 Summary

Nathan Bedford Forrest had accumulated wealth as an enslaver prior to the Civil War, in which he fought. After the war, he experienced a financial loss and blamed Reconstruction. At an early organizational meeting of the KKK, he was named its leader. As Thompson notes, “The Klan was a well-planned terrorist organization, run by former high-ranking military officers” (119). It used violence to frighten Black Americans away from renting land and forced them into a life of sharecropping. Thompson remarks that the KKK attempted to win by terror what it had lost in the Civil War.

A financial panic in 1873 ruined Forrest. In 1874, there were 64 Black Americans serving as elected officials in Mississippi. Then, the KKK went to work, and the next election was done at the point of a gun. Only 16% of farmers were sharecroppers in 1880. Forty years later, that number was 76%. The decision of the state to sell more than 1 million acres of forest to private investors established a structure that ensured exploitation. 

Township 22 was largely sold to two large investors, Will Dockery and Taylor and Crate. Two very large plantations would rule for the next several decades. Dockery Farms became a force in the community, as Dockery owned 72,900 cleared acres and 215,971 uncleared acres in one county alone. Some 250 families would call his plantation home. This pattern of land sales linked global manufacturing and shipping in England with international bankers and the Delta. Thompson argues, “Nearly every conflict in the state’s history […] is rooted in the conflict between capital’s desire to multiply and the human desire to live free” (130-31).

In 1890, Mississippi re-wrote its constitution to establish the Jim Crow system of segregation. There was, as a result, a precipitous decline in the registration of Black voters. The new constitution gave rise to codes and customs for behavior, many of which dealt with sex. For example, Black Americans were not to make eye contact with white women. The 1895 Supreme Court ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson gave legal cover for segregation.

The cotton empire worked by sharecroppers was made possible by northern and global capitalists as well as planters accepting governmental help to prevent floods. The government financed the expensive drainage projects. Without those two factors, there would have been no family for Till to visit in 1955.

In 1901, a monument was dedicated to Forrest in Memphis. Thousands attended. The barn land became a cotton farm in 1902. Blues music, the first American protest music, arose in 1904. Thompson notes that the development of the blues is evidence of the violence in Mississippi. In 1908, The Clansman, a play, opened in Memphis. It was later made into the racist movie The Birth of a Nation. The movie was a sensation in the South and glorified Forrest.

From 1900 to 1910, the population of Sunflower County in the Delta jumped 80%, largely because of an influx of poor Black Americans who were subsistence sharecroppers. Denied access to credit, there was no escaping sharecropping for Black Americans. Cotton prices soared during World War I given the demand for cotton uniforms. Huge fortunes were made at this time.

The peak of this boom in white wealth coincided with the first mass exodus of Black families from the Delta. More than 500,000 had left by 1920. The KKK was active in these years, murdering Black Americans for any violation of the strict codes. For example, a Black man was killed for sending a note to a white woman. The KKK considered rich planters, Catholics, Jews, and Black Americans as their enemies. The NAACP increased its membership from 9,200 to 62,200 from 1918 to 1919.

Thompson emphasizes the connections between the people in the Delta. In 1904, for example, Leslie Milam, the father of two killers of Till, socialized with Guy Thomas, a cousin of one of the jurors. There was nothing random about the killing: Both Leslie and Roy Bryant were angry at their loss of power and prestige and blamed that on Black Americans. In the Delta, the dividing line between wealth and poverty ran along Highway 51, which separated the Delta and the Hills. Both the Milams and the Bryants found themselves on the wrong side of this divide.

Part 2, Pages 155-194 Summary

The cotton market collapsed in 1920. With the price of cotton in decline, membership in the KKK “rose dramatically” (156). Economic insecurity and fear bred violence. The industry, so critical to the Delta, was dying. In the 20 years before the collapse, several Confederate statues were erected. Thompson describes this as the “peak of the Lost Cause mythology” (157). After the collapse, one of Gloria Dickerson’s relatives, Son Ham, was lynched. 

It was commonplace in these hard times for white managers to cheat their workers. In 1923, a sharecropper named Joe Pullum insisted that the manager pay him his wages. When the manager refused, an argument ensued, and the manager and another were shot dead. A posse shot and killed Pullum, but not before he managed to kill several of his pursuers. 

After the incident with Pullum, there was a strict curfew for Black Americans. Boundaries increased, and “crossing one of those boundaries would be Emmett Till’s fatal crime” (162). In 1924, Leslie Milam’s house burned, which wiped him out financially. His son, also named Leslie, tried to buy a Delta farm in 1953. In short, the cotton collapse brought Moses Wright back to sharecropping, caused Mamie Till to move to Chicago, and put the barn land on the market.

After the stock market collapse in 1929, the Delta’s population shrank more, and abandoned shacks were commonplace. Small towns, such as Clarksdale, became the new centers of power in the region. These towns were dominated by poor white people who despised both Black Americans and the planter class. When the first synthetic fiber was invented in 1930, cotton’s fortunes declined even more. For the first time, farmers planted food crops to avoid starvation. 

In 1933, the federal government assumed control of the cotton industry. A federal law allowed for crop insurance and added a subsidy to the per-pound price of cotton. Without this governmental intervention, the cotton industry in the Delta would have died, and “there would have been nobody for Emmett Till to visit in 1955” (171). The governmental policy kept the Delta in the past.

Charley Patton, who had sung the blues and recorded records, died in 1934. No obituary was published in his honor. In 1936, the US government purchased the large Sunflower Plantation. The Farm Security Administration then sought to remove Black Americans from the Plantation and replace them with poor white people, who were given financial help. There were 115 Black families living on the plantation at the time. They would have benefitted from this program but instead were denied and forced to leave their homes.

On July 25, 1941, Mamie gave birth to Till, who was named after a beloved uncle. It was a difficult birth, and Till was nearly suffocated by the umbilical cord. Joe Dockery diversified his holdings in 1942, investing in oil and cattle. His plantation transformed into a farm, and machines increasingly replaced people. In 1943, the first cotton crop in history “made completely with machines” was harvested (179). What once took 74 hours to pick now took six.

J. W. Milam served in the Army in World War II. He was injured and recovered. Then, he graduated from an officer school and was commissioned as a second lieutenant. For that, he was given an Ithaca .45-caliber semiautomatic pistol, which would later be used in the murder of Till.

During the cotton boom, Moses Wright owned land. He lost it in the stock-market crash. As a result, he found himself working for a man who mistreated workers and paid them poorly. Moses moved his family east in the Delta to an old landlord, Grover Frederick, who was fair. The Wrights lived in a large house and were able to save money. 

Till visited the Wrights when he was six years old with his grandmother Alma. They stopped in Cairo, Illinois, “for the Black passengers to move to segregated cars” (183). The rural life was foreign to Till. One day, the plantation manager came to get his hammer, which Till had borrowed. When the manager asked for it, Till asked for another minute: “Everyone panicked” (186), and Till’s grandmother quickly got the hammer.

Roy Bryant joined the Army in 1951, got demoted from private first class to private, and went absent without leave. On December 22, 1952, a plantation magnate sold the land containing the barn on credit to Leslie Milam and his brother J.W., who was removed as an owner a few months later. The Bryants and J.W. ran a network of stores catering to sharecroppers. They additionally were bootleggers, with J.W. pleading guilty to such offenses on five occasions. Not only had Roy Bryant and J.W. been arrested for assault and battery, but J.W. was credibly accused of killing four members of the Love family, who were Black.

Moses and his family lived between two worlds, the ancient and dying one of sharecropping and the modern one with new machines. In 1954, the Supreme Court ruled in Brown v. Board of Education that segregation by law in schools was unconstitutional. It would usher in another round of violence in Mississippi. Indeed, white Mississippi reacted “like an endangered species facing extinction” (192).

In Chicago, an extended family of Mississippi exiles enjoyed Christmas. Mamie was proud of what her family had accomplished and of her son, who was “on the cusp of becoming a man” (193).

Part 2 Analysis

Thompson repeatedly argues in these chapters that without certain political and economic decisions, Till would never have visited the Delta in 1955. Thompson also seeks to create a historical timeline for The System of Racial Violence and Oppression that enabled Till’s murder and the crime’s cover-up, placing the murder as one more event in a long line of racist violence in the region. In doing so, Thompson argues that Till’s murder was not an anomaly—instead, it reflected a wider system of racial hatred and oppression that had deliberately exploited and disenfranchised Black Americans for centuries. 

Thompson emphasizes how the plantation system that drove the South’s original cotton boom came at the expense of Black Americans, who were first forced to work the land as enslaved people and then, after the Civil War, continued to be exploited as poor sharecroppers and farm laborers. Their civil rights were also repeatedly challenged, both through the Jim Crow segregation laws and the disenfranchisement of Black American voters. Thompson also points to the rise of white supremacy and racial oppression in the treatment of the local Indigenous peoples as well, drawing parallels between the exploitation of Black Americans and the exploitation of Indigenous peoples by white Americans. He explains how the Indigenous people of the area, the Choctaw, were driven from the land in a series of exploitative treaties and unfair trading practices. In making these connections, Thompson highlights how white Americans sought to disadvantage and exploit groups that they regarded as inferior.

Thompson also argues that racial tensions in the region were stoked by the anger and resentment felt by poor white people who did not benefit from the plantation system themselves. A class division had gradually emerged among white Americans, with a wealthy planter class and a class of poor white people. The poor class of white people, frustrated by their inability to share in the wealth, nurtured a resentment of the planter class and Black Americans, which in turn gave rise to the KKK. This poor white underclass were the ancestors of Till’s murderers, with Thompson suggesting that Till’s murderers felt both a sense of entitlement—i.e., they believed they deserved the economic prosperity and social respect that the white planters had—and a sense of resentment against anyone whom they decided stood in their way. As Thompson details, this discontent was deliberately manipulated by politicians and community figures, who turned Black Americans into scapegoats for the anger that the poor white locals felt. 

By 1955, the social and economic system of the Mississippi Delta was dying. Troublemakers, such as Roy Bryant and J. W. Milam, were desperately holding onto their racial privileges. The Brown v. Board of Education decision had come down the year before and threatened the system of segregation and exploitation that white Americans benefitted from. The South was awaiting the follow-up decision about the speed of de-segregation that summer. Till thus entered a volatile world, unaware of its simmering anger and brutal enforcement of a racist system.

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