logo

51 pages 1 hour read

Ole Jørgen Benedictow

The Black Death 1346-1353: The Complete History

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2004

A modern alternative to SparkNotes and CliffsNotes, SuperSummary offers high-quality Study Guides with detailed chapter summaries and analysis of major themes, characters, and more.

Part 1Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Part 1: “What Was the Black Death?”

Part 1, Chapter 1 Summary: “Why the History of the Black Death Is Important”

The Black Death was a plague pandemic that originated in Eurasia, swept across the Mediterranean world, and raced through much of Europe between 1346 and 1353. Benedictow fills a gap in the scholarly literature on the Black Death by assessing the plague’s epidemiology for all of Europe and reassessing mortality rates.

The Black Death’s devastating impact on populations in Europe, Western Asia, the Middle East, and North Africa provided “eternal notoriety as the greatest-ever demographic disaster” (3). The disease’s high mortality rate gave rise to the name “Black Death,” a reference to the ruin that the pandemic wrought, rather than to any of its physical symptoms. Many medieval people believed the plague was divine punishment, while physicians drew on classical medical knowledge that suggested disease was the result of miasma, or toxic air. Others, such as the faculty at the University of Paris, used astrological observations to explain the plague’s appearance. Although plague outbreaks occurred before and after the Black Death, no episode was as devastating as that of the mid-14th century. Europeans recognized this pattern, and physicians typically called it pestilence. Previous plague studies have focused on the demographic changes the Black Death caused, as well as its socio-economic, religious, political, and cultural impacts.

Part 1, Chapter 2 Summary: “Anatomy of a Killer Disease”

In 1870, scientists discovered bacteria as a source of illness and began to identify pathogens. This advancement led French and Japanese researchers to identify yersinia pestis, the bacterium that causes plague, in 1894. They also noted that rats were the source of this bacteria. This discovery occurred in response to a plague outbreak that started in in the western Chinese province of Yunnan, spread to Canton and Hong Kong, and led to many casualties. Canton and Hong King were important center of trade for western colonialists who took an interest in combatting plague.

Part 1, Chapter 3 Summary: “Bubonic Plague and the Role of Rats and Fleas”

In the early 20th century, the Indian Plague Research Commission discovered that rats carried these bacteria and that they were transmitted through flea bites. Because homes were often infested with rat colonies, once the plague depleted the rat population, the fleas moved to human hosts. Rat fleas carry high levels of the bacteria, and when the insects develop a stomach blockage, they spew infected blood into bite wounds on their hosts. Fleas with this stomach blockage become ravenous and, thus, bite innumerable times. Rat fleas are especially susceptible to developing such a blockage.

The commission also investigated plague’s epidemiology. Findings show that it takes between 10 and 14 days for a rat colony to die off due to plague. The fleas then move to human hosts, who become infected with plague in three to four days; it takes approximately three to five days for humans to exhibit symptoms. Thus, the first human infections typically appear within 16 to 23 days, while death occurs within 20 to 28 days. Those who visit the homes of the ill are most likely to become infected when rat fleas contaminate their clothing or when they are bitten at the victim’s home. Travelers carrying the rat fleas in their baggage and/or clothes, therefore, unknowingly carried plague to other villages, towns, and cities.

Plague was also able to travel hundreds of miles along routes of trade because the infectious rat fleas had the ability to survive on grain that was being transported over global networks of trade. Infectious rat fleas survive well in moist climates, so the humidity of ship travel facilitated their survival and transport. Archeological and linguistic evidence shows that black rats were found all over pre-modern Europe, including the colder northern areas. Thus, they were the primary carriers of the bacterium that caused the Black Death during the European Middle Ages.

Part 1, Chapter 4 Summary: “The Hydra-Headed Monster”

Plague can take several forms, but the most common form in the medieval period was the bubonic plague that is carried by rats and spread by fleas. This form of plague inflects one’s lymph nodes. In some cases, it moves into the victim’s blood stream, which can cause under-skin hemorrhaging, resulting in dark splotches on the body such as those described in the late medieval account authored by Florentine eyewitness Giovanni Boccaccio. Plague also comes in a pneumonic form when the bacteria reach the victim’s lungs after the person has been infected with the bubonic variety. This form can also be transmitted from person to person via respiratory droplets, but these cases were rarer and restricted to household members and caregivers for the sick. Women were more vulnerable to contracting this form of infection because they were often primary caregivers to the sick. This variety, known as primary pneumonic plague, was more contained, because the ill die swiftly, often before a cough develops, thus limiting their ability to spread the illness to others. Pneumonic plague, therefore, was not the primary form of plague spread during the Black Death.

The Indian Plague Commission’s research also showed that the pathogen had a lower mortality rate in densely populated cities than in small villages. Mortality rates in the countryside proved highest. Urban areas were, thus, not so hard hit as researchers previously believed. Population density is significant in the case of plague mortality because

Rats are social animals that define and defend their territories. This means that in the countryside, at least one rat colony will normally be co-resident with a household, whereas in urban areas several households will usually crowd together within the territory of the rat colony. (33)

In other words, there is a smaller rat/flea-to-human ratio in cities, and, hence, there are more human hosts on which hungry fleas can feast. Most of medieval Europe’s population was rural, with lower population density in the countryside than today; thus, these areas had higher mortality rates than Europe’s cities when the Black Death erupted. To be sure, many people died in dense urban areas, too, but small villages fared worse.

Part 1, Chapter 5 Summary: “The Territorial Origin of Plague and of the Black Death”

The first plague pandemic, sometimes called the Justinian pandemic, consisted of 15 waves between 541 and 767 AD. The second plague pandemic, which also took place in waves, is the Black Death of the 14th century. Evidence shows plague had a presence in parts of Africa and modern Yemen that spread to areas of Europe during this first pandemic via local plague foci in northern Africa and the Middle East, where it arrived with merchant caravans. Two factors led to the first pandemic’s end. First, the collapse of the western Roman Empire and Germanic migrations across Europe led to de-urbanization and a reduction in trade. Second, the rise of the Islamic Caliphate in the 600s to 700s “broke off almost entirely the exchange of goods and persons over the Mediterranean […]” (40). The first pandemic concluded because of these political developments that disrupted trade and, thus, the disease’s spread.

Plague also had a long history in the eastern hemisphere, where it made appearances in China and India. Benedictow identifies three foci as contenders for the Black Death’s place of origin. The first is the focus that runs along the shore of the Caspian Sea that crossed modern Russia and Kazakhstan heading toward the Crimea. Next is the focus that crosses the Caspian’s eastern side and enters Central Asia. Finally, there is a plague focus centered on modern Russia’s Siberian frontier that borders Mongolia, Outer Mongolia, and Manchuria in today’s northern China. Did the Black Death originate in East Asia or closer to Europe? Benedictow argues that surviving primary sources do not support the theory of Chinese origin. Rather, the Black Death originated in today’s southern Russia, along the Caspian’s northwestern shore, which was controlled by the Mongol Golden Horde. Russian chroniclers recorded information about a plague outbreak in 1346, and this information, along with other data, supports Benedictow’s assertion. This plague eventually reached the Crimean city and important port of trade, Kaffa, which was located on the banks of the Black Sea. The Italian city-state of Genoa controlled Kaffa, but in the mid-1300s, the Golden Horde besieged the city and brought plague. Sources indicate that a plague outbreak started in the military encampment around the city but soon breached the city walls. Because of illness, the Golden Horde retreated, and Genoese merchants fled to Italy, traveling through the Byzantine capital, Constantinople, unaware that they were taking bubonic plague with them and contaminating both cities.

Part 1 Analysis

The first section of Benedictow’s study concerns the discovery of plague, and he draws on the work of historians and epidemiologists completed in the past century that focus on the origins of modern outbreaks of the disease and how those outbreaks spread. For example, after scientists identified yersinia pestis as the plague bacterium, entomologists studying rat fleas discovered that when these insects developed a stomach blockage, they easily spread plague to humans. This part of the book also introduces the two major arguments that he examines in the rest of the text: the Black Death was bubonic plague spread by black rats and their fleas, and the mortality rate was extremely high, especially in rural medieval Europe.

Benedictow challenges other plague scholars’ work in this section, as he does throughout the book. A study published in 1986 argued against rats as disseminators of the Black Death, while a 2015 study, for example, suggested that Central Asian gerbils were responsible for the Black Death’s spread. Benedictow alternatively argues that black rats are the rodents that mostly spread the plague in the Middle Ages and in other outbreaks. This is because rat colonies often occupy the same spaces as humans, such as houses, barns, or granaries. Archeology confirms the widespread dispersion of black rats in the Middle Ages, thus confirming Benedictow’s theory that they were the rodents that spread this disease.

Benedictow also introduces readers to the scholarly controversy over the type of plague that spread during the Black Death. Was the major form of disease bubonic or pneumonic plague? Was it actually plague at all? For example, in zoologist Graham Twigg argued that the Black Death was not plague, but anthrax. Benedictow has no doubt that the Black Death was plague and suggests it was bubonic, not only because the rats who carry this bacterium existed all over Europe, but also because primary pneumonic plague is more contained, and victims of this form perish swiftly. Thus, they die before they have been able to spread mass infection and, perhaps, before they even develop respiratory symptoms that would allow them to transmit the bacteria to other humans.

Similarly, Benedictow challenges scholarship that suggests urban centers were most devastated by the Black Death. In fact, demographic data shows that mortality was higher in the countryside than in cities. This fact hinges on the above assertion that black rats and their fleas were the mechanism by which bubonic plague was spread. In the country, there are fewer people to act as hosts for fleas carrying infection. Thus, these areas would be covered faster, and more people there died. Later sections of the book confirm this argument by using epidemiological data on pace and mortality rates that is drawn from surviving primary sources, including chronicles, registrations of deaths, and tax records.

Other scholarship offers competing theories on the Black Death’s origins. Some scholars, for example, conclude that the 14th-century plague pandemic began in China. Recent studies have made the same claim. While plague is not entirely absent from Chinese sources, it does not appear in the 1300s, and Benedictow concludes that “plague has not been an old epidemic disease in China” (42). Instead, there are three contenders for the plague’s point of origin in the 1300s. The author settles on western Eurasia, because credible Russian chronicles confirm it, and no evidence exists for an epicenter farther from Europe.

In the chapters that follow, Benedictow expands on these introductory arguments to offer a new perspective on the Black Death’s epidemiology from an historical perspective.

blurred text
blurred text
blurred text
blurred text