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A corporation “is compelled to cause harm when the benefits of doing so outweigh the costs” (60). Harmful effects can strike people outside the corporation and are called “externalities—literally, other people’s problems” (61). Harm to the environment or to communities, and even negative consequences borne by the corporation’s workers, are considered externalities, to be paid for by others: “[T]he corporation’s built-in compulsion to externalize its costs is at the root of many of the world’s social and environmental ills” (61).
In the late 1960s, General Motors begins redesigning some of its cars’ fuel tanks to save money, placing the tanks dangerously close to the rear bumpers. GM performs a cost-benefit analysis and reckons the redesign will reduce costs by $8.59 per vehicle, minus the per-car cost of $2.40 from lawsuits due to car fires, for a net savings of $6.19 per auto “if it allowed people to die in fuel-fed fires rather than alter the design of vehicles to avoid such fires” (63).
By the early 1970s, dozens of lawsuits have been filed by victims of rear-end-collision car fires caused by the dangerously positioned tanks. One suit awards punitive damages of $1.2 billion; during appeal, the US Chamber of Commerce argues that a cost-benefit analysis is a “hallmark of corporate good behavior” and “the logic underlying it is unimpeachable” (64).
With liberalized trade rules, corporations set up sweatshops all over the world—their doors locked, the shops rimmed by barbed wire, the workers watched over and beaten by guards—to “do the bulk of light manufacturing for the industrialized West” (65). Production quotas are calculated precisely: At Nike’s offshore shops, they require “that each shirt take a maximum of 6.6 minutes to make—which translates into 8 cents’ worth of labor for a shirt Nike sells in the United States for $22.99” (66).
In the mid-1990s, when television host Kathie Lee Gifford learns of terrible working conditions and pay for workers who manufacture her clothing line, she agrees “to stop using sweatshops, to pay decent wages to her workers, and to allow independent inspectors to ensure compliance” (69). Major retailers such as Wal-Mart nevertheless continue to use sweatshops.
“All businesspeople understand that corporations are designed to externalize their costs” (72), but business leaders are beginning to recognize the dangers to people, society, and the environment. Says one CEO, “‘Someday people like me will end up in jail’” (72).
A “notorious example” (73) of corporate disregard for consequences to others is the Triangle Shirtwaist Factory fire of 1911. The doors of the sweatshop are locked, and when fire breaks out, the workers can’t escape, and “[a]ltogether 146 of them died” (73). Huge protests erupt, but not until 1938’s Fair Labor Standards Act are sweatshops and child labor banned. To this day, however, the law “is regularly and routinely violated by garment industry operators” (74), leading to injury and death. In Los Angeles’s garment district, compliance with the Fair Labor Act “is at 33 percent” (75).
Between 1990 and 2001, General Electric is penalized dozens of times for various legal breaches, including pollution, discrimination, fraud, worker safety violations, illegal sales, overcharging, deceptive advertising, and “unfair debt collection practices,” among other things (75).
By design, corporate executives and shareholders are generally exempt from liability for a corporation’s misdeeds, and “courts tend to attribute conduct to the corporate ‘person’ rather than to the actual people who run the corporations” (79). One result is that “compliance with law, like everything else, is a matter of costs and benefits” (79). Fines have little effect and are chalked up as business costs.
British Petroleum’s Alaskan oil operations are fined and put on probation for numerous violations, but production declines, the company cuts back on costs and supervision, and the violations persist despite formal letters of concern by employees. In 2002, this leads to a massive accidental explosion at BP’s Prudhoe Bay oil field that nearly kills an inspector.
BP is not alone in its mishandling of operations: The Wall Street Journal observes that “Alaska’s legislature…eager to please the industry, has gutted the state agencies responsible for regulating oil-field safety” (84).
Franklin Roosevelt’s New Deal is the first major effort to rein in the power of big business. It brings “new rights and protections for workers, debt relief for farmers, and fairness and transparency guarantees for investors” (86). A group of disgruntled business executives “were enraged, and believed that Roosevelt’s plans would undermine American capitalism” (86). They plot to overthrow Roosevelt and establish a fascist dictatorship.
The plot is backed by major players in the corporate world. They ask a revered and highly decorated retired general, Smedley Butler, to organize a veterans’ group that he would lead in a takeover of the government. They have picked the wrong man, however, one who “had come to believe that war was a product of corporate greed” and “was not about to add the United States to the list of countries where he had used military force to defend U.S. corporate interests from populist threats” (93). In 1934 he reports the plot to Congress, and the scheme collapses.
Other American corporations in the 1930s flirt with fascism. General Motors provides Hitler’s regime with military trucks and aircraft parts. IBM builds calculating machines that Germany uses to manage its concentration camps. “Corporations have no capacity to value political systems, fascist or democratic, for reasons of principle or ideology” (88), but only whether those systems help or hurt the corporation. This does not change during the decades that follow: “[M]any U.S. corporations today regularly do business with totalitarian and authoritarian regimes” (89).
The dream of a corporate takeover of America persists, and today “corporations are now poised to win what the plotters so desperately wanted: freedom from democratic control” (95). Funding reductions “are increasingly common across the regulatory system” (97), including cutbacks that may have contributed to the accidental flooding of a Pennsylvania mine that nearly killed nine miners in 2002. Enforcement cuts at other agencies “have also recently been blamed for harm caused by inadequate oversight of corporate activities” (98).
Energy trader Enron lobbies successfully for deregulation of electricity markets and reduction of federal oversight, then, in 2000, engineers a phony power crisis in California, including multiple blackouts, and pockets billions. The federal government finally steps in and imposes price controls; Enron goes bankrupt, and “[t]hough numerous factors can be blamed for Enron’s collapse, the losses it suffered as a result of its misdeeds in California rank high among them” (101).
Since the early 1970s, corporations have greatly increased their Washington lobbying, where they argue for less regulation. They donate millions of dollars to political campaigns in an effort to influence candidates. In turn, a Republican party chairman requests campaign contributions from one corporation to, as the chairman puts it, “keep passing legislation that will benefit your industry” (105).
Many lobbyists argue that their job is to educate legislators, and that this is good for the country. One, Anne Wexler, says that “corporations essentially feel that they’re partners with government” (107). Democracy, however, “requires that the people, through the governments they elect, have sovereignty over corporations, not equality with them” (108). Corporations argue that they are capable of self-regulation, but they have no inherent sense of social responsibility, and it is wrong to expect that they can “be relied upon to promote the public interest” (109) unless “compelled by government to do so” (110).
Since profit is the goal of a corporation, costs are the enemy and must be reduced. Any time a corporation can push an expense onto someone else, it will do so. If penalties for misbehavior cost less than the profit from doing so, corporations will misbehave. It’s in their mandate to their shareholders; it’s in their nature. The courts hand down fines that, in effect, notify corporations of the price of human life. When that cost is affordable, more people will die.
For decades, smokestack industries pollute air and water heedlessly and don’t bother to clean up the waste until governments impose penalties for failure to do so. GM’s calculation, that moving gas tanks to the risky back end of its cars would save more money than it would cost in accidental-death lawsuits, is in effect the corporation following its fiduciary duty to its shareholders. The horror and pain of those deaths do not figure into the corporate calculus; only costs and benefits matter.
If a foreign country’s workers can produce goods more cheaply than domestic employees, a corporation will move its activities overseas. That such countries harbor sweatshops with appalling working conditions is of no concern to the corporation—they might argue initially that it’s none of their business—unless activists, and finally the public, loudly raise the issue. At that point, with all the bad press and the threat of boycotts, a corporation will redo its cost-benefit analysis and shift away from embarrassing vendors while marketing itself as a company that cares about foreign workers.
Another big cost is regulation by government. For this, corporations send lobbyists to the capital, where they beseech lawmakers and regulators to go easy on their company and, instead, perhaps more strenuously regulate their competition. One expense easily borne is campaign contributions—essentially bribes to ensure good behavior from lawmakers—and most corporations hand out cash to persuade government officials to act in their favor. Another expense is the “revolving door” through which regulators rotate, first as bureaucrats and later as officers in the corporations they once oversaw. This helps guarantee that those bureaucrats—angling for lucrative positions in private industry—don’t go overboard regulating the companies.
Aside from much-needed campaign contributions, corporate lobbyists help lawmakers by offering important guidance. Legislators usually don’t understand the daily workings of businesses, and they don’t want to pass overzealous legislation that causes job losses in their districts. The last thing lawmakers needs is angry, unemployed voters demonstrating in front of their re-election campaign offices.
Big business actually benefits from regulatory regimes, which legitimize their activities—corporations acquire the government’s seal of approval, so to speak—thereby deflecting protests from anticorporate activists. At the same time, big companies can afford the regulations, taxes, and fees from governance, while small firms often cannot. The effect is like paying the regulators to make the competition go away, one of the most cost-effective uses of a corporation’s money.
The overall result is “regulatory capture,” corporate control of the very government that is supposed to oversee the corporations.