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39 pages 1 hour read

Karl Marx

The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1852

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Chapters 2-3Chapter Summaries & Analyses

Chapter 2 Summary

Marx describes the monarchy of King Louis-Philippe as supported by the bourgeoisie (by which Marx means people who own and manage businesses), lawyers, writers, and officials (20). The monarchy and the bourgeoisie as a whole opposed the “aristocracy of finance” (20), referring to bankers and financers. They all shared a hatred of socialism and a support for protection. However, they resented the influence bankers had over Louis-Philippe’s government. This resentment was especially felt by the petty bourgeoisie and the proletariat. The February Revolution against Louis-Philippe was achieved by the proletariat. However, Marx argues that it was the bourgeoisie who took over the government and that, in the end, the February Revolution became “counter-revolutionary” (22).

In the period of the constitution of the republic, a new constitution was drafted. Marx views it as simply a revision of the earlier guarantee of rights, the Charter of 1830. The new constitution granted the right to vote to all male citizens, the freedom of the press, and the right of assembly, among others. However, Marx notes these rights were limited by “the public safety,” which Marx argues actually refers to “the safety of the bourgeoisie” (22-23). Another weakness of the constitution according to Marx is the fact that it gave a great deal of political power to the president, while having the president directly elected by the people. Only the requirement that a two-thirds vote from the National Assembly was needed to change the constitution gave the National Assembly any real power.

Another problem facing the Second Republic was that the majority of bourgeoisie were royalists. The industrialists and bankers tended to be Orleanists (supporters of the monarchy of Louis-Philippe), and landowners were Legitimists (backers of the old Bourbon dynasty). Within the National Assembly, the royalist bourgeoisie was unified in the “party of Order” against the ones Marx describes as the “pure republicans” (28). Right away, the ministers of the government operated behind the backs of the National Assembly. This would be how Napoleon III was able to enact his coup and come to power.

In the meantime, Marx describes how the royalist ministers pushed for dissolving the Constituent Assembly, which they claimed “was necessary for the restoration of credit, for the consolidation of order, for putting an end to the indefinite provisional arrangements and for establishing a definitive state of affairs” (30). They even got the general public to call for the end of the Constituent Assembly. With that, the ministers of the government dissolved the Constituent Assembly and further weakened the National Assembly. They were confident that the new president of the republic, Napoleon Bonaparte, was their “dupe” (32).

Chapter 3 Summary

Marx describes the French Revolution of 1789 as one that moved “along an ascending line” (33). Each of the parties dominating the government from 1789 to 1794 was more radical than the last. Marx argues that it “is the reverse with the Revolution of 1848” (33). The revolution starts with the proletariat party, and then it is taken over by the “petty-bourgeois-democratic party.” Next, they are replaced by the “bourgeois-republican party,” and finally the revolution brings to power the “party of Order” (33), the name the conservative political party gave to itself. As a result, Marx paints the Second Republic as a “motley mixture of crying contradictions” (34) with constitutionalists acting against the constitution, royalists who ruled a republic, and so on.

There was still a “social-democratic party” (36) within the National Assembly, but they were outnumbered by the royalists in the Party of Order. Even among the royalists, however, there were two different opposing political agendas, the Orleanists and the Legitimists. While the two sides were said to be split apart by questions of dynastic and political legitimacy, Marx argues instead that they represented “material conditions” and “different kinds of property” (37). This means the Legitimists represented landlords and the old nobility, while the Orleanists represented bankers and finance.

At the same time, Marx describes the social-democratic party or the Montagne as a coalition between the petty bourgeoisie and the working class (39). The Montagne strongly opposed President Napoleon’s decision to attack the radical Republic of Rome in 1849. Over the controversy, the Montagne tried impeaching President Napoleon for violating Article V of the constitution, which forbade the government from going to war to take away the freedom of another people. The National Assembly voted against impeachment, and an attempt by the Montagne on June 13 to trigger an insurrection by the army ended in disaster.

This dealt such a blow to the Montagne that its members were arrested, put under surveillance, or fled the country: “Thus the influence of the Montagne in parliament and the power of the petty bourgeois in Paris were broken” (42). What was left of the Montagne, according to Marx, “were entitled now to confine their actions to outbursts of moral indignation and blustering declamation” (44). Marx sees this as not only resulting in the Montagne getting crushed, but that the situation brought about “the subordination of the Constitution to the majority decisions of the National Assembly” (45).

Chapters 2-3 Analysis

These chapters contain Marx’s most detailed discussion of The Relationship between Base and Superstructure within the essay. He argues that the rival dynastic factions, the Legitimists and the Orleanists, represented different types of wealth within the upper bourgeoisie. Supporters of the Orleans’ claim to the French throne were often involved in banking and finance. The Legitimists were large landowners. This demonstrates for Marx “an entire superstructure of distinct and peculiarly formed sentiments, illusions, modes of thought and views of life” that emerge “out of […] material foundations and out of the corresponding social relations” (37). In other words, the way an economy makes and allocates products and services and how that affects society is what shapes culture, religion, and politics. In this case, the dynastic and political struggle between the Legitimists and Orleanists is the superstructure of the development of financial capital and its clash against an older form of wealth, owning land and property.

Marx also views the creation of the social-democratic party, the Montagne, through the lens of social and economic demands and class. Specifically, he notes that the alliance between the petty bourgeoisie and the workers did not lead to a serious challenge against the system of “capital and wage labor,” but was a way for the petty bourgeoisie to try to avoid “class struggle” and preserve their “material interest and social position” (40-41). In Marx’s interpretation of history, it is not always as simple as one class against another. In the case of the Montagne, they are still within the framework of the bourgeoisie like their opponents, the Party of Order. Instead, they, like the Orleanists and Legitimists themselves, represent different economic and social interests within the bourgeoisie.

Through his analysis of the downfall of the National Assembly’s social-democratic party, the Montagne, Marx illuminates The Bourgeoisie and the Rise of Authoritarianism. Through their opposition to the Montagne, which represented the petty bourgeoisie and the proletariat, the upper bourgeois-dominated Party of Order ultimately weakened themselves and the National Assembly as a whole while empowering President Napoleon Bonaparte with what Marx calls a “direct victory” for the future Napoleon III. Marx writes, “The humiliating regulations to which it subjected the Montagne exalted the President of the republic in the same measure as it degraded the individual representatives of the people” (45).

By weakening themselves and the National Assembly and empowering Napoleon in this way, the Party of Order paved the way for their own downfall. This is what Marx means when he concludes that “it became unmistakably clear that only one thing was still wanting to complete the true form of this republic: to […] replace the latter’s inscription: Liberté, Egalité, Fraternité by the unambiguous words: Infantry, Cavalry, Artillery!” (48). It also fits with Marx’s overall argument that the bourgeoisie was willing to relinquish their control over the Second Republic, as a result of the fact that political control made them too much of a target for the other classes (55).

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