Plot Summary
They Can't Kill Us All
Wesley Lowery
They Can't Kill Us All
Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 2016
Plot Summary
They Can’t Kill Us All (2016) is a memoir by Washington Post reporter Wesley Lowery, narrating the period he spent covering the civil unrest which followed the 2014 murder of black teenager Michael Brown by white police officer Darren Wilson in Ferguson, Missouri. Hailed as a “timely, significant book” by Kirkus Reviews, Lowery’s memoir has been widely praised for capturing the difficulties of journalism in the online era.
In August 2014, an unarmed black teenager was shot and killed by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri. Weeks of protest and rioting followed. The Washington Post dispatched Lowery to cover the unrest. He soon found that the only way to keep up with events was to participate in the fast-moving online dissemination of information. In this environment, hashtags served as calls to arms. Lowery experienced it as “a hybrid newsfeed, broadcasting platform and ongoing group therapy space.” He found himself struggling to maintain his professional responsibility to the truth in the face of strong feelings and widespread disinformation.
In recounting the death of Michael Brown, Lowery attempts to be scrupulously impartial. He points out that Brown had robbed a store and attacked the clerk. He also concludes that, contrary to widespread reports, Brown probably did not say, “Hands up, don’t shoot,” when confronted by Officer Darren Wilson. On the other hand, Lowery argues that Wilson’s use of lethal force was unjustifiable. He also criticizes the insensitive handling of the incident by Ferguson police, points to misinformation and outright lies circulated by the police department, and questions the heavy-handed tactics used to suppress rioting (which in fact served to intensify the violence). Finally, Lowery suggests that the conduct of the prosecutor—who decided not to file a criminal charge against Officer Wilson—was questionable at best.
Lowery recounts how he became part of the story when police swept a McDonalds where he and a fellow journalist were writing up notes for their story. Both were jailed, and news of their arrests went viral, fueling criticism of the Ferguson police.
However, Lowery focuses not on his own role, but on the role played by local activists. He provides a deep profile of Johnetta “Netta” Elzie, a “day one” Ferguson protestor, and a portrait of DeRay McKesson, the school administrator whose role in the Ferguson protests would become the basis for a celebrity career and a mayoral run. Lowery documents their founding, together with Teach for American director Brittany Packnett, of the “Ferguson Protestor” newsletter, which reached a maximum circulation of 20,000 readers.
As Lowery prepares to leave Ferguson, he reflects that the experience of bearing witness to “pain and trauma” has been exhausting. A protestor reminds him that “after you leave, it’s still going to be fucked up in Ferguson.”
Lowery asks what “Ferguson” means now. He cautions against viewing the case of Ferguson as an isolated incident because doing so “inadvertently erases” the context of racial history in the US. Lowery cautiously suggests that it was a stepping stone to the formation of Black Lives Matter and, perhaps more significantly, discredited the idea that Barack Obama’s presidency had marked the beginning of a “post-racial” era.
After Ferguson, Lowery fell into the role of investigating incidents of police violence against black civilians all over the country. This beat took him to Cleveland, Baltimore, Charleston, and many other cities. With each case, Lowery felt greater guilt about approaching the grieving families of victims and resolved to change his approach to questioning, soliciting more personal reflections about the lives of victims. He describes his struggle to balance this desire to help in the grieving process with the necessity of being fair. He does not want to portray victims as “angels,” even though he recognizes that the media tends to focus on the non-angelic qualities of black victims, to imply that their deaths were deserved.
Toward the end of the book, as the Black Lives Matter movement takes off, Lowery turns his attention to protest movements. He narrates the hunger strike by black students at the University of Missouri which ended with the resignation, in 2015, of University President Tim Wolfe. Although he admires the protestors, Lowery includes the voices of students who contend that racial tensions on campus had been exaggerated and that Wolfe had not been responsible for the tensions which existed.
Lowery also tells the stories of Bree Newsome, the activist who scaled the flagpole outside the North Carolina statehouse to remove the Confederate flag, and Shaun King, the activist who became a controversial figure when he raised thousands of dollars for the family of 12-year-old shooting-victim Tamir Rice.
Lowery’s experiences covering police violence led him to play a key role in the Washington Post’s “fatal force” project, assembling data on police shootings nationwide. Lowery narrates the difficulties involved in assembling this data, which was not collected in any comprehensive way by the federal government. The project would go on to win the Pulitzer Prize.
In August 2014, an unarmed black teenager was shot and killed by a white police officer in Ferguson, Missouri. Weeks of protest and rioting followed. The Washington Post dispatched Lowery to cover the unrest. He soon found that the only way to keep up with events was to participate in the fast-moving online dissemination of information. In this environment, hashtags served as calls to arms. Lowery experienced it as “a hybrid newsfeed, broadcasting platform and ongoing group therapy space.” He found himself struggling to maintain his professional responsibility to the truth in the face of strong feelings and widespread disinformation.
In recounting the death of Michael Brown, Lowery attempts to be scrupulously impartial. He points out that Brown had robbed a store and attacked the clerk. He also concludes that, contrary to widespread reports, Brown probably did not say, “Hands up, don’t shoot,” when confronted by Officer Darren Wilson. On the other hand, Lowery argues that Wilson’s use of lethal force was unjustifiable. He also criticizes the insensitive handling of the incident by Ferguson police, points to misinformation and outright lies circulated by the police department, and questions the heavy-handed tactics used to suppress rioting (which in fact served to intensify the violence). Finally, Lowery suggests that the conduct of the prosecutor—who decided not to file a criminal charge against Officer Wilson—was questionable at best.
Lowery recounts how he became part of the story when police swept a McDonalds where he and a fellow journalist were writing up notes for their story. Both were jailed, and news of their arrests went viral, fueling criticism of the Ferguson police.
However, Lowery focuses not on his own role, but on the role played by local activists. He provides a deep profile of Johnetta “Netta” Elzie, a “day one” Ferguson protestor, and a portrait of DeRay McKesson, the school administrator whose role in the Ferguson protests would become the basis for a celebrity career and a mayoral run. Lowery documents their founding, together with Teach for American director Brittany Packnett, of the “Ferguson Protestor” newsletter, which reached a maximum circulation of 20,000 readers.
As Lowery prepares to leave Ferguson, he reflects that the experience of bearing witness to “pain and trauma” has been exhausting. A protestor reminds him that “after you leave, it’s still going to be fucked up in Ferguson.”
Lowery asks what “Ferguson” means now. He cautions against viewing the case of Ferguson as an isolated incident because doing so “inadvertently erases” the context of racial history in the US. Lowery cautiously suggests that it was a stepping stone to the formation of Black Lives Matter and, perhaps more significantly, discredited the idea that Barack Obama’s presidency had marked the beginning of a “post-racial” era.
After Ferguson, Lowery fell into the role of investigating incidents of police violence against black civilians all over the country. This beat took him to Cleveland, Baltimore, Charleston, and many other cities. With each case, Lowery felt greater guilt about approaching the grieving families of victims and resolved to change his approach to questioning, soliciting more personal reflections about the lives of victims. He describes his struggle to balance this desire to help in the grieving process with the necessity of being fair. He does not want to portray victims as “angels,” even though he recognizes that the media tends to focus on the non-angelic qualities of black victims, to imply that their deaths were deserved.
Toward the end of the book, as the Black Lives Matter movement takes off, Lowery turns his attention to protest movements. He narrates the hunger strike by black students at the University of Missouri which ended with the resignation, in 2015, of University President Tim Wolfe. Although he admires the protestors, Lowery includes the voices of students who contend that racial tensions on campus had been exaggerated and that Wolfe had not been responsible for the tensions which existed.
Lowery also tells the stories of Bree Newsome, the activist who scaled the flagpole outside the North Carolina statehouse to remove the Confederate flag, and Shaun King, the activist who became a controversial figure when he raised thousands of dollars for the family of 12-year-old shooting-victim Tamir Rice.
Lowery’s experiences covering police violence led him to play a key role in the Washington Post’s “fatal force” project, assembling data on police shootings nationwide. Lowery narrates the difficulties involved in assembling this data, which was not collected in any comprehensive way by the federal government. The project would go on to win the Pulitzer Prize.
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